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Greece: New Power in the Balkans
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# : |
11836 |
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Section : |
CURRENT ISSUES
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| Issue
Date : |
1 / 1994 |
2,155 Words |
| Author
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Janusz Bugajski and David Augustyn Janusz Bugajski is associate director of East European studies
and David Augustyn is a policy analyst in East European
affairs at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
in Washington, D.C. |
The violent unraveling of Yugoslavia and the rise of combative nationalism have threatened to reignite the entire Balkan tinderbox. Greece is now on the threshold of a more crucial role in the area; no longer a bulwark against communist expansionism but a strong local power with its own regional interests, Greece could become either a pillar of stability or an agent of escalating strife in this volatile region.
Cold War containment policy was a watershed for Greece: The defeat of the communist insurrection of the late 1940s ensured the nation's position in the Western orbit, bringing massive financial assistance together with political and military integration into NATO. The ancient cradle of Western civilization was reconstituted as a Balkan outpost to act as a defense against expansionist Soviet and Yugoslav designs in southeastern Europe.
Greece's role as a vital Mediterranean link not only guaranteed its security from communist encroachment, it kept in check any open conflict with NATO ally Turkey. But the communist era has ended and the specter of armed conflict based on old national divisions has become a reality, drawing Greece closer into the Balkan quagmire.
Any cooperation between Athens and Belgrade during the early years of the Cold War was precluded for two reasons: overt Yugoslav assistance for communist forces during the Greek civil war in the 1940s and Belgrade's unequivocal support of a distinct Macedonian nationality. Originally intended to obstruct Bulgarian claims to the long-disputed Vardar Macedonia, Belgrade's Macedonian policy was perceived by Athens as proof of Tito's irredentist ambitions and a direct threat to Greek territorial sovereignty However, following Tito's death in 1980 and the ascent of the socialist Panhellenic Social Movement (PASOK) government, relations between Belgrade and Athens warmed up as the Greeks sought regional allies and closer economic ties.
International condemnation of Serbia for its role in the Yugoslav wars in the past two years--manifested in the form of comprehensive trade sanctions--has placed Athens in the precarious position of nominally adhering to the UN-mandated embargo while maintaining cordial and often supportive relations with Belgrade. Although the Mitsotakis government recognized Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina as independent states, it pursued high-level contacts with the Milosevic regime throughout 1992 and 1993 as a counterweight to growing Muslim and Albanian demands throughout the region.
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