World & I Online Magazine  
World & I School | World & I Homeschool | World & I College | World & I Library
 Username:   Password:     Subscribe   Register               About Us | Contact Us | FAQs
18-Year Archive Peoples of the World Book Review Worldwide Folktales Fathers of Faith
Search  
Sort by: Results Listed:
Date Range:    Advanced Search

Online Magazine
 
  Current Issue
Editorial
Current Issue
The Arts
Life
Natural Science
Culture
Book World
Modern Thought
  Resources
18-Year Archive
American Waves
Book Reviews
Ceremonies/Festivities
Eye on the High Court
Fathers of Faith
Footsteps of Lincoln
Millennial Moments
Peoples of the World
Profiles in Character
Teacher's Guide
Traveling the Globe
Worldwide Folktales
Writers and Writing

The New Soviet Challenge


Article # : 13123 

Section : CURRENT ISSUES
Issue Date : 11 / 1987  3,310 Words
Author : Dimitri K. Simes
Dimitri K. Simes is a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and a syndicated columnist.

        On November 7, the Soviet Union will celebrate the 70th anniversary of the communist revolution. There will be self-congratulatory speeches, an impressive display of military hardware during a Red Square parade, and all over the country millions of officially directed demonstrators will profusely thank the party for all the wonderful things it has done for the Soviet people.
       
        Yet, while Mikhail S. Gorbachev and his colleagues will undoubtedly use the occasion to emphasize their communist heritage, Soviet subjects are under no illusion that the experiment Vladimir Lenin and his Bolshevik associates started in November 1917 was a success story. Gorbachev himself admitted as much when, in an address to the June 1987 Central Committee plenum, he stated that the political situation in the USSR had "acquired essentially pre-crisis forms." That was a striking admission on the part of the general secretary on the eve of his regime's 70th anniversary. And Gorbachev presumably takes his dramatic denunciation of Soviet shortcomings seriously. Why otherwise would he regularly stress on behalf of the ruling Politburo that only a genuine "revolutionary transformation" of Soviet society as a whole would be capable of saving the communist system from a major disaster? Moreover, Gorbachev admits that his reformist crusade may be the last chance to reverse the Soviet decline. "History did not leave us much time for solving this issue," he acknowledged at the June 1987 plenum.
       
        The general secretary would like to give the impression that his regime is radically different from anything we have seen in the Soviet Union in the past. To some extent he has a point. In many important respects the Soviet Union today does not resemble the state created as a result of the Bolshevik coup d'etat. When Lenin and his fellow revolutionaries came to power they were big on historical optimism and short on military and economic strength. Later, in 1920, Lenin said that during the first months after the Bolsheviks took over, they amounted to a "zero in a military sense." That was, incidentally, one reason they felt so strongly that there was no alternative to the immediate instigation of a world revolution. Without it, Lenin and his colleagues were convinced that sooner or later capitalist states would forget about their disagreements in the name of "class war" against the young communist entity. And the Bolsheviks had no doubt that the outcome of such a war could only be the destruction of their regime.
       
        They were wrong about both the opportunities for world revolution and the Western ability to create a united front against the young and
... Read Full Article


Look for this article in Ask.com

Copyright © 2004 The World & I. All rights reserved. Terms of Use | Privacy Policy