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Lesotho's Coup: Return of the King
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11128 |
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Section : |
CURRENT ISSUES
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| Issue
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3 / 1986 |
2,098 Words |
| Author
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David Yeats-Thomas
David Yeats-Thomas has covered Africa extensively in his
career as a journalist and editor for publications in South
Africa and Europe. |
African coups have become so commonplace that they now receive scant attention from the American news media. However, the January coup in tiny, landlocked Lesotho earned more than the usual amount of media coverage for a bloodless and violence-free seizure of power.
One presumes that this is because Lesotho is completely surrounded by white-ruled South Africa, which, as the reputed local bully, was immediately alleged to have engineered the coup.
What seemed to have surprised many American viewers, though, was the post-coup scenes of jubilation in the streets of the Lesotho capital, Maseru. The dancing and singing did not fit the popular conception of relations between South Africa and its black-ruled neighbors.
But, although Pretoria's propagandists exploited the joyful reaction in Lesotho to the fullest, it is extremely doubtful that the people seen dancing and singing in the streets had any thought of South Africa's hinted connivance.
Though, as some suggested, the people of Lesotho might have been celebrating what they hoped was the end of the economic blockade of their country by South Africa. What was lost in all the speculation was that the takeover marked the end of 20 years of often brutal repression by Prime Minister Leabua Jonathan.
The Basotho, as the people of the mountain kingdom of Lesotho are called, had more than enough reason to be euphoric. Chief Jonathan, whose ruling Basotho National Party has never won a free and fair election since independence in 1966, was not popular.
The Basotho are predominantly conservative and fiercely loyal to their tribal monarchy and their church. Jonathan tampered with both, using ruthless methods to quell dissent. The royalists were unhappy with Jonathan's treatment of King Moshoeshoe II, and the influential churches were becoming increasingly nervous about the former primer about the former prime minister's flirtation with the communist countries, particularly North Korea.
On top of all this, Jonathan was unwilling or unable to maintain the delicate balance between pragmatic cooperation with the South African government and making known his government's opposition to the policy of apartheid.
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